What Do the Houthis Want? Exploring Their Motives and Ambitions

Are they rebels or rulers? Victims of oppression or architects of chaos? The Houthi movement defies easy labels. Branded as insurgents by some and freedom fighters by others, the group has carved out a powerful, if polarizing, presence in Yemen and beyond.

Their missiles cross borders. Their slogans echo through protests. Their governance, controversial yet resilient, has reshaped a nation caught in endless conflict. But behind the headlines and battlefield reports lies a deeper mystery—the true aims and ambitions of the Houthi movement.

In recent years, the Houthi movement—formally known as Ansar Allah—has shifted from guerrilla warfare to state-building, from marginalization to mainstream influence. They’ve fought off international coalitions, seized the capital city of Sanaa, governed millions under their control, and negotiated on global stages.

Their story isn’t just one of rebellion—it’s one of political ambition, ideological conviction, and regional entanglement. Therefore, to truly understand the future of Yemen—and the security of a region caught between rival powers—we must begin with a question that remains as urgent as ever: What do the Houthis want?

Read also: Who Are the Houthis? The Rebels Behind the Red Sea Attacks

The Core Objectives of the Houthi Movement

To understand what the Houthis want, we need to look beyond the battlefield and into the motivations that have shaped their journey. From a small Zaidi revivalist group in northern Yemen, the Houthi movement has grown into a political force with ambitions far beyond its original base.

Political Empowerment and Autonomy

One of the earliest and most persistent Houthi demands has been greater political control over their traditional strongholds in the north, a home to the Zaidi Shia community. For decades, these regions were politically marginalized and economically neglected, fostering a sense of injustice that would later explode into armed rebellion.

When Yemen’s transitional government proposed dividing the country into six federal regions in 2014, the Houthi leadership saw it as a calculated attempt to weaken their influence. They rejected the plan outright, labeling it a “plot” to strip resource-poor northern areas of political power,  while other areas gained access to ports, oil fields, and political capital.

In response, they didn’t just protest; they marched south, taking over Sanaa and rewriting the power map. They framed this expansion not as conquest, but as correction. Their goal, they argued, was to restructure Yemen’s political system to ensure fairer representation and secure a future where the north would no longer be left behind.

At glance, this rejection of the federal system was a declaration that the future of Yemen would not be decided without them. And if it was, they would fight for a version that enshrined greater autonomy for their strongholds and put the levers of national power within their reach.

Anti-Corruption and Economic Justice

Alongside calls for political reform, the Houthis also put forward an economic argument. Corruption had long plagued Yemen’s government, with public resources siphoned off by powerful families and allies of the former regime.

When the Houthis entered Sanaa, they did so under the banner of reform—promising to root out corruption and address long-standing inequalities.  As they swept into power, they justified their actions as a crusade against government corruption and economic injustice.

They spoke of economic marginalization in the north, pointing to failing infrastructure, poor access to healthcare, and high unemployment. By targeting these issues, the Houthi objectives positioned the group as defenders of ordinary Yemenis rather than just another faction fighting for control.

In practice, this mission has faced many challenges. War, sanctions, and a collapsing economy have limited their ability to deliver on promises. Still, their narrative of economic justice remains central to their self-image, especially in areas under their control where they promote efforts at local development and social support.

Resistance to Foreign Influence

If autonomy and justice form the foundation of the Houthi platform, then resistance to foreign influence is the wall they’ve built around it. The group has long opposed what it sees as excessive Saudi and American interference in Yemeni politics. For them, the war is not only a local power struggle—it’s also a front in a wider regional contest.

In contrast to their rejection of Riyadh and Washington, the Houthis have embraced Tehran’s support, finding common ground in shared religious ties and mutual opposition to U.S. and Israeli policies. Their cooperation with Iran has brought material support and political backing, as well as a sense of belonging to a broader Axis of Resistance—a loose coalition that includes groups in Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria.

Read also: Why Does Iran Support Houthis?

This Houthi ideology—centered on independence, defiance of foreign powers, and a particular vision of Islamic governance—has helped them build an identity that resonates both locally and across parts of the region. While critics argue that this alignment has deepened Yemen’s entanglement in proxy conflict, the Houthis present it as necessary to protect their sovereignty and challenge what they view as external domination.

Regional and International Ambitions

Firing Missiles for Palestine?

In late 2023, as the war in Gaza escalated, the Houthis began launching missiles and drones toward Israel. More recently, on April 23, 2025, air raid sirens pierced the stillness of northern Israel. A missile launched from Yemen by the Houthi rebels was intercepted by Israeli defense systems, with explosions reported near Haifa and Krayot. Though none caused major damage, the message was unmistakable: the Houthi movement was extending its fight far beyond Yemen’s borders. 

These strikes are seen as statements of solidarity. The Houthi ideology, shaped by a mix of local grievances and broader anti-Western sentiment, positions the group firmly within the so-called “Axis of Resistance,” alongside Iran and Hezbollah. By targeting Israel, the Houthis aligned themselves with the Palestinian cause, seeking to gain regional credibility and rally support among sympathetic audiences.

Read also: Yemen’s Houthi Rebels Launch SAM at U.S. F-16 Fighter Jet

Their involvement in a conflict over a thousand kilometers away was symbolic. Through these attacks, the Houthi movement showed that its ambitions are no longer confined to Yemen’s mountains but extend across the region.

Choking the Red Sea: Disruption of Maritime Trade?

Around the same time, another campaign was unfolding—this one at sea. The Houthis began targeting commercial ships in the Red Sea. The Houthis assert that their campaign targets vessels linked to Israel and its allies, framing it as a form of economic resistance in solidarity with Gaza.

However, the indiscriminate nature of these attacks went far wider. Since late 2023, over 100 attacks have been reported, disrupting international shipping routes, forcing global shipping companies to reroute and avoid the area entirely.

The economic fallout has been real. Egypt’s revenue from the Suez Canal—a vital artery for global trade—dropped by more than 60% in just a year, dropping nearly two-thirds; from $10.25 billion in 2023 to just $3.991 billion in 2024). Two ships were sunk, four sailors killed, insurance costs soared, and delivery times stretched.

The Houthis’ actions in the Red Sea reveal a clear strategic intent: to project power beyond Yemen’s borders by turning maritime chokepoints into bargaining chips. Through these disruptions, they aim to pressure adversaries and prove their ability to influence global trade. It’s a calculated extension of their political aims—asserting relevance in a conflict that stretches well beyond their territory.

The Houthi State: Life Under Rebel Rule?

Schools, Clinics, and Control

Since the Houthis took control of Sana’a in 2014, they’ve worked to shift their image—from insurgents to administrators. In many ways, they’ve succeeded in building a functioning bureaucracy in the territories they control, a reality that has reshaped everyday life for millions of Yemenis.

Houthi governance in these areas presents a mix of public service and political indoctrination. They’ve kept schools open, restored clinics, and even maintained basic infrastructure in some parts. On paper, this appears to be a win for a war-torn country. But these services come with clear ideological and political strings.

In the education system, for instance, textbooks have been revised to align with Houthi ideology, promoting narratives that glorify their struggle and justify their war. Lessons increasingly focus on anti-Western sentiment and promote loyalty to the movement’s leadership. Even religious teachings in schools are tailored to reflect the Houthi version of Zaidi Shia Islam, diverging from Yemen’s traditionally diverse religious education.

Even health services often come with loyalty expectations. Access to clinics and medicine often favors families loyal to the Houthi movement. Humanitarian aid, too, is frequently filtered through partisan channels, creating systems of reward and punishment that reinforce the Houthi political aims. International organizations, including the UN, have repeatedly raised concerns over aid being diverted or used to consolidate political control.

Residents in these areas live under an unspoken contract: compliance buys access, dissent risks exclusion. It’s a system where Houthi political aims are embedded in daily life—subtle, pervasive, and difficult to escape.

Liberty vs. Order: The Cost of Security

While the Houthis promise order, it often comes at the expense of freedom. In their territories, Houthi leadership rules with an iron grip. Dissent is not tolerated. Independent media outlets have been shuttered, journalists detained, and online expression monitored. Political opponents and activists, including women’s rights advocates and students face surveillance, arbitrary detention, and torture in secret prisons.

Public protests are rare—not because grievances don’t exist, but because fear prevails. Citizens must weigh every word—on the street or on social media—knowing criticism of the Houthi leadership could lead to arrest or worse.

Tribal leaders and local officials are kept in check through a mix of patronage and fear. The group’s internal security forces, such as the Zainabiyat—an all-female unit used to suppress female dissent—regularly conduct raids and interrogations, targeting anyone seen as a threat to Houthi objectives.

Through this control, the Houthis maintain what they call “security,” but it’s a model of governance rooted in repression rather than consensus. These realities expose the duality of Houthi governance: a state that functions, but only on its own terms. Services are provided, but liberties are curtailed. In the name of resistance, order has become control.

Houthi Demands in Peace Talks and Ceasefire Negotiations

Peace, for the Houthis, has never just been about putting down weapons. It’s been about redefining their place in Yemen—not as rebels, but as rulers. Over the years, in various UN-mediated negotiations, the Houthis have brought to the table a consistent set of demands that reflect not only a desire for survival but a deeper quest for political legitimacy and ideological permanence.

In the early rounds of peace talks—like the 2016 Kuwait negotiations and the 2018 Stockholm Agreement—their demands centered around power-sharing arrangements, the reopening of Sana’a airport, and the lifting of blockades. These weren’t just tactical requests. They were Houthi political aims designed to cement their role in a future Yemeni state. They wanted recognition of their governing authority in the north and a seat at the table not as an armed group—but as a sovereign actor.

But as the conflict evolved, so did the nature of their negotiation strategy. Houthi demands began reflecting a more sophisticated blend of local governance interests and broader ideological commitments. In prisoner exchange talks, for instance, the group has insisted on releasing high-ranking loyalists, intelligence officers, and even family members of senior commanders—highlighting their emphasis on preserving internal structure and morale.

The same logic applies in the Red Sea naval conflict. When the Houthis launched attacks on commercial shipping—purportedly in solidarity with Gaza—their messaging around ceasefires became clearer: “We will stop,” they said, “if Israel stops bombing Gaza.” These demands weren’t about territorial disputes or maritime security—they were deeply ideological, aimed at linking the Houthis to a wider axis of resistance stretching across the region.

In many ways, whether in ceasefire talks, prisoner swaps, or diplomatic backchannels, Houthi demands are rarely just technical or humanitarian. They often appear strategically crafted—aimed at securing legitimacy, reinforcing ideological narratives, and ensuring the movement’s long-term survival.

But beneath these negotiations lies a larger, more complex question: What do the Houthis really want? While their actions suggest a drive to shift from a rebel force to a recognized political power, the answer may not be singular. It likely reflects a layered mix of ideology, pragmatism, and evolving ambition.