Why Does Iran Support Houthis? A Geopolitical Analysis

Iran’s fingerprints are all over Yemen’s chaos. From smuggled missiles to proxy warfare, Tehran’s backing of the Houthi rebels has transformed one of the Arab world’s poorest nations into a strategic flashpoint.

Once a local insurgency confined to the mountains of northern Yemen, the Houthis now strike deep into Saudi Arabia and threaten global trade in the Red Sea. But their rise is no accident—it’s the result of calculated Iranian support, with far-reaching geopolitical implications.

By embedding itself in the Yemen conflict, Tehran has turned the country into a pressure point in the Iran-Saudi rivalry and a key front in its broader campaign against Western and Gulf influence.

Through the Houthi alliance, Iran projects power along the Red Sea, disrupts key maritime routes, and reinforces its strategy of leveraging non-state actors to reshape the regional order. So what’s driving this controversial partnership? Why does Iran support Houthis?

Understanding the Houthi Movement

Origins and Ideology of the Houthis

The Houthi movement, formally known as Ansar Allah, emerged in the 1990s in northern Yemen, primarily in the Saada province. Rooted in the Zaidi Shia tradition—a sect distinct from the dominant Twelver Shia branch followed in Iran—the movement initially began as a religious and cultural revivalist group. It sought to defend Zaidi identity and resist the growing influence of Saudi-backed Salafism in Yemen.

However, over time, it evolved into a powerful political and military force, particularly after the death of its founder, Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, in 2004 during a confrontation with the Yemeni government.

Read more: Who Are the Houthis? The Rebels Behind the Red Sea Attacks

The Houthi movement ideology centers around anti-imperialism, resistance to foreign intervention, and opposition to Western and Saudi influence in the region. Though their Zaidi roots differ from Iran’s religious doctrine, the Houthis found ideological alignment with the Islamic Republic’s anti-American and anti-Israeli stances.

This alignment laid the foundation for the growing Iran Houthi relationship, even if the connection is more strategic than strictly theological.

The Houthis’ Role in Yemen’s Civil Conflict

The Houthis rose to national prominence during the Yemeni Revolution in 2011, seizing the opportunity presented by political instability. By 2014, they had captured the capital, Sana’a, and forced the internationally recognized government into exile, triggering a full-scale civil war that continues to this day. Their takeover sparked the intervention of a Saudi-led coalition in 2015, transforming the conflict into a brutal Iran-Yemen proxy war.

Since then, the Houthi rebels have not only solidified their control over significant portions of northern Yemen but have also leveraged Iranian support to enhance their military capabilities. Their use of ballistic missiles and drones—allegedly supplied or developed with Iranian assistance—has extended the conflict beyond Yemen’s borders, threatening Saudi Arabia and even impacting global maritime trade in the Red Sea.

This elevated the conflict from a domestic struggle to a key front in the broader proxy warfare in the Middle East, with the Houthis serving as one of Tehran’s most effective Iran proxy groups.

Iran’s Strategic Interests in Yemen

Countering Saudi Influence in the Region

At the heart of Iran’s support for the Houthis lies its long-standing rivalry with Saudi Arabia—a power struggle that has shaped much of the modern Middle East. The Iran-Saudi rivalry is deeply rooted in sectarian divisions, geopolitical competition, and contrasting visions for the region’s future. Yemen, located at the southern edge of the Arabian Peninsula and bordering Saudi Arabia, has become a crucial battleground in this contest for dominance.

By backing the Houthi rebels, Iran is able to exert pressure on Saudi Arabia without engaging in direct military confrontation. The Iranian support for Houthis allows Tehran to challenge Riyadh’s security and undermine its sphere of influence along a key border.

Read more: How Strong Is Iran’s Military

Houthi drone and missile strikes—some allegedly facilitated by Iranian weapons to Houthis—have directly targeted Saudi infrastructure, including airports and oil facilities. This asymmetric strategy not only drains Saudi resources but also exposes the vulnerabilities of one of Iran’s chief regional rivals.

In this light, the Iran Houthi alliance becomes a tactical extension of Tehran’s broader objective: destabilizing adversaries through proxy warfare in the Middle East, while avoiding the cost of conventional warfare.

Expanding Iran’s Regional Influence

Iran’s involvement in Yemen also fits into its larger regional strategy of cultivating influence through non-state actors and allied militias. Alongside Hezbollah in Lebanon and militias in Iraq and Syria, the Houthis form part of Iran’s proxy network designed to project power and reshape the regional order in Tehran’s favor.

By gaining a foothold in Yemen, Iran secures access to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait—one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints—thereby enhancing its geostrategic leverage.

This Iranian foreign policy in Yemen is not just about aiding an ideological ally; it is about embedding Iran into the core of regional geopolitics. The ability to influence events in Yemen allows Tehran to act as a spoiler in Western and Gulf Arab interests, from shipping security in the Red Sea to diplomatic initiatives in the Arabian Peninsula.

Ultimately, Iran’s backing of the Houthis is a calculated move to expand its strategic depth, extend its regional influence, and redefine the balance of power in the Middle East.

Forms of Iranian Support to the Houthis

Military Assistance and Arms Supplies

One of the most critical dimensions of the Iran Houthi alliance is Tehran’s sustained military support, which has transformed the Houthis from a tribal militia into a capable armed force. This support includes the transfer of advanced weaponry, missile technology, and combat training—much of it attributed to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and its elite Quds Force.

Missiles Supplied or Modeled After Iranian Systems:

• Qiam-1 Ballistic Missile: A short-range, liquid-fueled missile with an estimated range of 800 km, based on Iran’s Scud technology. It was reportedly used in multiple strikes against Saudi Arabia, including the high-profile attack on Riyadh’s King Khalid Airport in November 2017.
  
• Borkan-2H (Variant of Iran’s Qiam): A modified version of the Qiam-1, first publicly used in 2017. It was developed locally in Yemen but with clear Iranian design influence, used in attacks on Riyadh and oil installations in Saudi Arabia.
  
• Quds-series Cruise Missiles: Introduced around 2019, these land-attack cruise missiles were used in strikes targeting Saudi infrastructure. Their design resembles Iran’s Soumar and Ya Ali missiles, suggesting a transfer of technology or components.
  
• Fateh-110 Derivatives: While Iran’s Fateh-110 missile is a key part of its own arsenal, derivatives of this solid-fueled, short-range ballistic missile appear to have inspired some Houthi-engineered projectiles, used against coalition targets since 2018.

Drone Technology:

• Qasef-1 and Qasef-2K UAVs: First reported in 2017, these drones are modeled closely after Iran’s Ababil-T series. They have been used in kamikaze-style attacks on radar stations, oil pipelines, and coalition bases across Yemen and southern Saudi Arabia.
  
• Samad-series Drones (Samad-1, 2, and 3): Medium-range drones capable of long-endurance missions, reportedly used in multiple high-profile Houthi operations. The Samad-3, in particular, has a range of over 1,500 km and was used in the 2019 Abqaiq–Khurais oil facility attack, which temporarily halved Saudi Arabia’s oil production.
  
• Shahed-136 Loitering Munition: Though primarily used by Russia in Ukraine, versions of this Iranian drone technology have also been linked to Houthi attacks in the Red Sea region and on UAE targets. The drone is known for its explosive payload and radar-evasive low-altitude flight path.

Other Supplied Equipment and Materials:

• Anti-Ship Missiles: The Houthis have deployed missiles like the Noor (based on Iran’s C-802), used in attacks on naval vessels in the Red Sea.
  
• Explosive Boats and Naval Mines: Supplied or designed with Iranian assistance, these are used by the Houthis to target commercial and military shipping routes in the Bab al-Mandab strait.
  
• Improvised Ballistic Missiles: Many of the missiles used by the Houthis are either smuggled in pieces or constructed locally using Iranian designs and guidance systems.
  
• Communication and Jamming Equipment: There have been reports of Iran supplying advanced signal jamming technology, allowing the Houthis to disrupt Saudi surveillance and targeting systems.
  
• Training Camps and Technical Assistance: Multiple reports indicate that Houthi fighters and engineers have received training in Lebanon and Iran, often by members of the IRGC or Hezbollah, another major Iran proxy group.

This military aid has greatly expanded the Houthis’ operational reach, allowing them to strike targets across Saudi Arabia and even into the UAE, reinforcing their value in the broader Iran Yemen proxy war.

Read more: Yemen’s Houthi Rebels Launch SAM at U.S. F-16 Fighter Jet

Financial and Logistical Support

While not as visible as arms shipments, Iran’s financial and logistical support remains a vital pillar of the Iran-Houthi alliance. Tehran is believed to funnel millions of dollars annually to the Houthis, often through informal and covert channels disguised as humanitarian assistance or religious outreach.

This steady stream of funding enables the Houthi rebels to pay fighters, maintain administrative control in the territories they govern, and acquire materials needed for building weapons and drones.

Beyond financial backing, Iran provides essential logistical support that enhances the Houthis’ operational capabilities. Smuggling networks—operating through the Gulf of Aden, Oman, and Somali waters—are used to transport weapons and components.

These shipments often arrive via small, inconspicuous vessels like dhows, allowing them to evade maritime surveillance and interdiction. Additionally, Iranian intelligence plays a key role. Through the extensive regional network of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Tehran is believed to assist the Houthis in tracking Saudi-led coalition forces and selecting strategic targets.

Watch: Why the Gulf of Aden is dangerous ?

Together, these forms of support have enabled the Houthis to survive, adapt, and expand throughout years of intense conflict. More than just a client force, they have become one of the most effective Iran proxy groups in the region, embodying Tehran’s broader use of non-state actors in proxy warfare in the Middle East.

Ideological and Religious Connections

Shared Religious Ties Between Iran and the Houthis

The Iran-Houthi relationship is not solely rooted in geopolitics or military strategy—it is also deeply influenced by shared religious and ideological foundations. At the core of this alliance lies a common Shia Islamic identity.

While Iran follows Twelver Shiism and the Houthis are rooted in Zaidi Shia Islam, both sects share historical and theological similarities that have facilitated mutual understanding and cooperation.

This religious affinity has helped frame the Iran Houthi alliance as more than a mere convenience of war—it is often portrayed by both parties as a righteous resistance against perceived oppression.

The Zaidi Shia rebels of Yemen, historically marginalized and politically sidelined, found in Iran not only a supporter but also a spiritual and ideological ally.

Tehran’s consistent messaging about defending oppressed Shia populations across the region reinforces its appeal to the Houthis, allowing the Islamic Republic to extend its influence under the banner of religious solidarity. This has been a central pillar of Iranian foreign policy in Yemen.

Common political and ideological goals

Beyond religious ties, the alliance is further cemented by shared political and ideological goals. Both Iran and the Houthis fiercely oppose Western influence in the Middle East, particularly the role of the United States. They also reject the legitimacy of certain regional governments, including the Saudi monarchy.

These common stances fuel their cooperation in the broader context of proxy warfare in the Middle East, where narratives of resistance and sovereignty serve as unifying themes.

In this ideological framework, Iran’s support for the Houthis is not merely about gaining leverage in the Iran Yemen proxy war—it also serves Tehran’s long-term ambition to cultivate loyal, like-minded actors across the region.

This strategy enables Iran to wage influence campaigns and exert pressure without direct military confrontation, reinforcing its regional agenda through proxies that align with its worldview.

Conclusion

So, the answer to the question “Why does Iran support Houthis?” goes far beyond simple military calculations. It weaves together threads of religious solidarity, ideological alignment, geopolitical rivalry, and strategic ambition.

By backing the Houthi rebels, Iran has carved out a cost-effective yet powerful foothold on the Arabian Peninsula—challenging its rivals, projecting power through proxy warfare, and reshaping regional dynamics without deploying conventional forces.

Whether through drones over Saudi skies or influence along the Red Sea, Iran’s support for the Houthis has become one of the most consequential—and enduring—strategic maneuvers in the Middle East today.