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For over a decade, Yemen has been a nation at war with itself — a battlefield of shifting alliances, foreign interventions, and deep-rooted tribal rivalries. Once a relatively stable republic, Yemen today is a fractured state, its sovereignty contested by multiple factions, from the Houthi rebels in the north to southern separatists and the remnants of the internationally recognized government. In this volatile landscape, one urgent question demands attention: How strong is Yemen military?
At first glance, the answer seems obvious. Civil war, economic collapse, and foreign meddling have torn Yemen’s armed forces apart. The Yemeni Armed Forces, once a significant player in the Arabian Peninsula, now exist in fragments. After the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990, the country fielded a respectable military — around 66,000 active personnel, equipped with aging Soviet-era military equipment, a modest air force, and functional naval forces. Despite internal corruption and tribal loyalties, Yemen maintained enough military strength to influence regional dynamics.
To truly grasp the complexity behind Yemen’s military power today, we must first understand the historical foundations it was built upon — and how years of conflict shattered, reshaped, and weaponized those original forces into what they have become.
Understanding how strong Yemen military once was requires tracing its roots back to 1990, when the unification of North and South Yemen dramatically reshaped the nation’s military structure. Before the war, the Yemeni Armed Forces were considered a mid-level power within the Arabian Peninsula.
In terms of Yemen’s military ranking, the country was once positioned as a notable—though not dominant—force regionally, benefiting from the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990. This merger created a sizable, if uneasy, force under the banner of the Yemeni Armed Forces — a military establishment intended to represent national unity but burdened from birth with tribal rivalries, political distrust, and competing loyalties.
At its peak, Yemen’s military size included around 66,000 active personnel, supplemented by reserves and tribal militias loyal to regional commanders rather than the central government. Despite its numbers, the force’s military capabilities were hampered by an aging arsenal of military equipment — predominantly Soviet-era tanks, aircraft, and basic military weapons inherited from Cold War patrons.
One critical pillar of Yemen’s pre-war military structure was the Yemeni Republican Guard, an elite force created and expanded under the long rule of President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Unlike the regular army, the Republican Guard was personally loyal to Saleh, effectively serving as both a Praetorian Guard and a tool to suppress dissent. It received better training, more advanced weapons, and higher salaries, making it a formidable power center within the fractured military apparatus.
However, deep systemic weaknesses undermined Yemen’s military strength. Tribal loyalty often outweighed national duty; units answered to sheikhs and local warlords rather than the Ministry of Defense. Corruption was rampant, with ghost soldiers (nonexistent troops on the payroll) draining the military budget.
Political interference poisoned promotions and appointments, while sectarian and regional divides festered beneath the surface. On paper, Yemen might have had a national army — but in practice, it was a precarious mosaic of competing interests.
The eruption of full-scale civil war in 2015 shattered what remained of the national military. Today, the idea of a single Yemeni Armed Forces is a fiction; Yemen’s military is now a splintered ecosystem of warring factions and foreign-backed actors.
At the core of this fragmentation are the Houthi-controlled forces (Ansar Allah), who seized large parts of the north, including the capital Sanaa. Former members of the Yemeni Republican Guard, especially those loyal to the late Ali Abdullah Saleh, initially sided with the Houthis, bringing with them invaluable military capabilities in terms of training, heavy weaponry, and command structure.
Read also: What Do the Houthis Want?
Opposing them are the forces of the Internationally Recognized Government (IRG), supported heavily by Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies. The IRG controls parts of the south and east, though its authority remains shaky and reliant on foreign support.
Meanwhile, the Southern Transitional Council (STC) militias emerged as a third power bloc. Backed by the United Arab Emirates, the STC advocates for southern secession and fields its own substantial armed forces, further eroding any notion of a unified Yemen.
Adding to the chaos are countless tribal militias and local armed groups, often switching allegiances based on immediate political, financial, or tribal interests. The battlefield is also littered with defectors, opportunists, and warlords — remnants of once-cohesive military units now fractured into autonomous militias.
The result is a patchwork military landscape where Yemen’s military divisions are not based on rank or branch but on shifting loyalties, foreign sponsorship, and battlefield survival. In modern Yemen, military strength is no longer measured by formal military ranking or cohesive strategy, but by the ability to hold territory, project influence, and survive amidst a relentless storm of foreign interests and internal betrayals.
The Yemen military size has fluctuated significantly due to years of internal conflict, civil war, and external interventions. Before the escalation of the war in 2015, the Yemeni Armed Forces were composed of roughly 300,000 personnel across various branches, including the Yemen military divisions like the army, air force, and navy.
However, the ongoing conflict has fractured these forces, with many units aligning either with the internationally recognized government or the Houthi movement. Therefore, it is difficult to measure the Yemen military size accurately today.
In terms of Yemen’s military weapons, the country has increasingly relied on unconventional tactics due to a lack of access to modern systems. The Houthis, for example, have effectively used ballistic missiles, drones, and asymmetric warfare strategies against both domestic and foreign targets. Their arsenal includes modified Soviet-era Scud missiles and Iranian-supplied drones.
The Yemen naval forces have gained global attention, especially due to increasing tensions in the Red Sea. Although traditionally small compared to major powers, Yemen’s naval units have adapted asymmetric strategies, utilizing fast boats, naval mines, and unmanned systems to threaten maritime traffic.
One significant incident was the January 2024 attack on the Red Sea shipping lanes, where Yemen-backed forces used explosive-laden drones and small boats to disrupt commercial vessels. Earlier events involving Yemen naval forces occurred in October 2016, when the United Arab Emirates vessel HSV-2 Swift was attacked by Houthi forces in the Red Sea. The ship suffered significant damage from a missile strike, highlighting the growing threat to international shipping.
Today, threats from the Red Sea region highlight how even a limited naval capacity can have a large strategic impact, especially given Yemen’s proximity to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait — one of the world’s key maritime chokepoints.
Considering Yemen military ranking globally, the country currently holds a low position due to prolonged conflict, fragmented command structures, and outdated military resources. According to recent estimates, Yemen is often ranked well below top 100 military powers worldwide.
In terms of Yemen’s military budget, spending has drastically declined since the civil war’s escalation in 2015. Before the conflict, Yemen allocated around $1.5 billion annually to its defense forces. Today, most military expenditures are informal and vary by faction, with funding sources ranging from foreign sponsors to local resource control.
Understanding Yemen military capabilities requires examining not just internal dynamics, but also the critical role foreign powers play in shaping the battlefield. Throughout the conflict, outside actors have significantly influenced Yemen military strength—sometimes empowering local forces, other times fueling further instability.
One of the most prominent influences comes from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Both nations have invested heavily in funding, training, and equipping allied Yemeni factions, aiming to restore the internationally recognized government and counter Houthi advances.
Through extensive arms supplies, air support, and direct military involvement, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have tried to bolster various Yemen military divisions, such as the pro-government forces and local militias in southern Yemen. This external backing has temporarily enhanced Yemen military equipment quality in certain areas, particularly providing modern armored vehicles, air defense systems, and tactical training.
However, foreign support is not one-sided. Iran’s role in Yemen, especially through its support for the Houthis, has introduced a strategic counterbalance. Tehran views Yemen as a critical front in its broader regional rivalry against Saudi Arabia. By supplying the Houthis with ballistic missile technology, drones, and intelligence, Iran has significantly enhanced a segment of Yemen military weapons capability.
Read also: Why Does Iran Support Houthis?
This backing, although often debated in scale, reflects Iran’s strategic interest in expanding its influence near the Red Sea and along vital maritime routes. In turn, the Houthis have adapted these assets into effective tools of asymmetric warfare, redefining parts of Yemen military strength.
Meanwhile, the United States and the United Kingdom have also been deeply involved, albeit with different objectives. U.S. and U.K. assistance has mainly focused on providing intelligence support, conducting counterterrorism operations, and facilitating arms sales to Saudi Arabia and UAE forces operating in Yemen.
Through such channels, Western powers indirectly shape Yemeni Armed Forces’ operational environment, particularly by supplying precision-guided munitions, surveillance assets, and logistical support to the Saudi-led coalition.
While discussions about Yemen military capabilities often focus on weapons and foreign alliances, the core internal weaknesses greatly undermine the true strength of the Yemeni Armed Forces.
One of the most crippling issues facing the Yemen military strength is the complete fragmentation of authority. After the collapse of the central government in 2015, Yemen’s armed forces splintered into various factions aligned with competing political and tribal interests. Today, there is no single national command directing the different Yemen military divisions.
For example, while the Houthis command their own forces in northern Yemen, pro-government units loyal to President Rashad al-Alimi operate separately in the south and east. Simultaneously, the Southern Transitional Council (STC) — a UAE-backed separatist group — maintains its own heavily armed forces independent of government oversight. This fractured reality severely undermines any coordinated strategy across Yemen’s military fronts, making it difficult to rebuild a cohesive Yemen military size or national defense.
Another critical weakness is Yemen’s dependence on external powers for military sustainment. Much of the modern Yemen military equipment used by loyalist forces — including tanks, armored vehicles, and air defense systems — has been supplied by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the United States. Similarly, Houthi forces rely heavily on Iranian-supplied drones, missiles, and electronic warfare training.
A case example is the UAE’s training of the “Giants Brigades,” a powerful paramilitary force composed largely of southern Yemeni fighters. These units were crucial in pushing back Houthi forces in 2022 but remain heavily reliant on Emirati logistical, air, and intelligence support, highlighting Yemen’s long-term military dependency.
Deep-seated corruption, tribal loyalty, and a lack of military professionalism further erode Yemen military capabilities. Promotions and assignments within various factions are often based on tribal affiliations rather than merit or training. Corruption is widespread, with reports of military salaries being siphoned off by commanders and entire units existing only on paper.
This problem particularly affects recruitment, loyalty, and battlefield discipline. For instance, soldiers frequently switch sides for better pay or local political reasons, destabilizing Yemen military divisions even further. Attempts to build a professional army have repeatedly failed due to these entrenched problems.
Finally, Yemen’s humanitarian catastrophe — described by the UN as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis — directly impacts the functioning of the military. Severe poverty, widespread malnutrition, and the collapse of public services have devastated both recruitment efforts and troop morale.
According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), over 21.6 million Yemenis — nearly two-thirds of the population — are in need of humanitarian assistance in 2025. Youth, who would otherwise form the backbone of military recruitment, are instead focused on basic survival.
Hunger and disease have drastically reduced the physical fitness of potential recruits, while frontline soldiers often suffer from inadequate supplies, unpaid salaries, and poor medical care. These factors cripple Yemen military strength and limit operational effectiveness.
So, How Strong is Yemen Military, and What Does It Mean?
Despite moments of tactical brilliance, Yemen military capabilities remain fragmented and limited. Actual combat power is hampered by divided loyalties, corruption, and dependence on foreign aid. Much of Yemen’s military strength today is symbolic — a tool for influence, propaganda, and survival — rather than a unified force capable of decisive victory.
No single faction, not even the Houthis, can fully establish military dominance across Yemen’s harsh and divided terrain. Instead, Yemen has become less a sovereign actor and more a proxy battleground, where regional powers — Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE — compete for influence through local surrogates.
Regionally, Yemen poses limited direct military threat. Its reach is disruptive, through Houthi missiles and Red Sea naval attacks, but not existential. Its real power lies in destabilization, not conquest.
Looking ahead, Yemen stands at a crossroads: demobilization efforts risk failure if political solutions stall, while continued militarization seems inevitable if foreign backers keep fueling the conflict. For now, the guns are unlikely to fall silent, and Yemen’s military remains trapped between resilience, division, and endless war.
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